Booker
T. Washington
1856 - 1915
WASHINGTON,
Booker Taliaferro, educator, born in Hale's Ford, Franklin County,
Virginia, 18 April, 1856. He is of African descent, and early removed to West
Virginia. He was graduated at Hampton institute in 1875, and in the same year
entered Wayland seminary, whence he was called to fill the chair of a teacher
at Hampton. There he was elected by the Alabama state authorities to the
presidency of Tuskegee Institute, which he organized in 1881. Under his
management it has grown from an institution with one teacher and thirty
students to one with twenty teachers and 300 students. The property consists of
540 acres, a blacksmith's shop, sawmill carpenter's shop, brickyard,
printing-office, and several large school-buildings, one of which, shown in the
vignette, was built by the students. It is valued at $68,000, and by 1890 it
was out of debt.
Washington
then became a dominant figure of the African-American community from 1890 to
his death in 1915, especially after his Atlanta Address of 1895. To many he was
seen as a popular spokesman for African-American citizens. Representing the
last generation of black leaders born into slavery, Washington was generally
perceived as a supporter of education for freedmen in the post-Reconstruction,
Jim Crow-era South. Throughout the final twenty years of his life, he
maintained his standing through a nationwide network of supporters including
black educators, ministers, editors, and businessmen, especially those who
supported his views on social and educational issues for blacks. He gained
access to top national leaders in politics, philanthropy and education, raised
large sums, was consulted on race issues and was awarded honorary degrees from
leading American universities.
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Washington,
in 1901, wrote his autobiography, Up from
Slavery detailing his work to rise
from the position of a slave child during the Civil War, to the difficulties
and obstacles he overcame to get an education at the new Hampton University, to
his work establishing vocational schools—most notably the Tuskegee Institute in
Alabama—to help black people and other disadvantaged minorities learn useful,
marketable skills and work to pull themselves, as a race, up by the bootstraps.
He reflects on the generosity of both teachers and philanthropists who helped
in educating blacks and native Americans. He describes his efforts to instill
manners, breeding, health and a feeling of dignity to students. His educational
philosophy stresses combining academic subjects with learning a trade
(something which is reminiscent of the educational theories of John Ruskin).
Washington explained that the integration of practical subjects is partly
designed to reassure the white community as to the usefulness of educating
black people.
This
text, while certainly a biography of his life, is in fact an illustration of
the problem facing African Americans by detailing the problems of one. By
showing how he has risen from servitude to success, he demonstrates how others
of his race can do the same, as well as how sympathizers can aid in the process.
President, Roosevelt, before the publication
of Booker’s autobiography, had occasionally conferred with the educator, asking
his advice on appointments and candidates in the South. After becoming
President, Roosevelt invited Washington to meet with him at the White House for
a similar conference. Washington came to the White House on October 16 and,
when the meeting lasted longer than anticipated, the President asked him to
join him for dinner. Washington later noted that they "talked a considerable length concerning plans about the South.” Although
their dinner was a private affair, a reporter leaked the news and a tidal wave
of criticism erupted. Reaction was predictably very vocal in the deep South
where Roosevelt was accused of "encouraging
racial mixing and social equality for blacks.” Roosevelt was shocked by the furor.
In
a letter dated October 24, 1901, Roosevelt writes to New York Congressman
Lucius Littauer : "As to
the Booker T. Washington incident, I had no thought whatever of anything save
of having a chance of showing some little respect to a man whom I cordially
esteem as a good citizen and good American." He expresses dismay over
the public reaction: "The outburst
of feeling in the South about it is to me literally inexplicable. It does not
anger me. As far as I am personally concerned I regard their attacks with the
most contemptuous indifference, but I am very melancholy that such feeling
should exist in such bitterly aggravated form in any part of the country."
He vows not to bend to pressure from these critics: "There are certain points where I would not swerve from my views
if the entire people was a unit against me, and this is one of them. I would
not lose my self-respect by fearing to have a man like Booker T. Washington to
dinner if it cost me every political friend I have got."
Booker in a
November 5, 1901 letter to to Mrs. A. J. Kaine and Mr. Franklin W. Hooper,
first he mentions his famous--and now controversial--dinner at the White House
in October 1901.
I have been very much interested in the many things that have been written and said about my dining with the President," he tells Kaine. "I have not attempted to keep up with all the foolish and the false things however, that have been written. I am not at all disturbed about what has been said about the matter."
In the 1904 letter Washington hesitates to accept another speaking invitation from the Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences, fearing it will stir controversy for T. R. 's reelection bid: "the political campaign will be at its height about that time, and it will be difficult for me to say anything that will not be taken up by one of the political parties and twisted into a wrong direction or made capital of."
Meanwhile, Roosevelt on September 26, 1904 sent a letter and editorial to his friend and admirer, Lyman Abbott, editor of The Outlook and adds spirited comments on those who have accused him of racial bias in his appointments in southern states:
"Mind you, what I have done in Alabama I have done everywhere else in the South, and with all the venomous attacks upon me, the southerners who make the attacks cannot deny that I have elevated the public standard by by appointments in the South; and curiously enough, I have appointed fewer colored men than my predecessor. Have you noticed that Collier's Weekly attacks me because I have gone too far in my policy of doing justice to the Negro while the Evening Post declines to support me because I have not gone far enough!...The Pittsburg Post's statement is, of course, a pure lie. I have in no State constituted a board of white and negro politicians, to whom has been committed the control of the federal patronage. As a matter of fact, the only negro whom I have consulted about appointments in the South has been Booker Washington. It does seem to me that this issue is far more than merely political. If a man like Carl Schurz had one particle of intellectual and political honesty in his make-up, he could not support the Democrats in this campaign in view of their attitude to the South of his own recent utterances on this very question."
Roosevelt's forward-thinking attitude toward race caught him in a political and social catch-22. His attraction to Booker T. Washington was based on the fact the great educator preached an evolutionary policy rather than agitation or violence. Roosevelt's meetings with Washington in 1901 convinced him that Roosevelt "wanted to help not only the Negro, but the whole South." To ensure getting the 1904 presidential nomination, Roosevelt began to build up alliances in the South, and was often met with opposition. Washington was invited to the White House in October 1901 to discuss with Roosevelt, then still Vice President, concerns about the South. Despite efforts to avoid publicity, news that a black man had dined in the White House reached the papers and infuriated many Southerners. The Memphis Scimitar called the dinner "the most damnable outrage ever," while "blacks... sized up the dinner as a fragment of hope amid a rising tide of discrimination"). Because of Roosevelt's public attention to Washington, criticisms continued that he favored the Southern black cause; equally, reformers felt he was not doing enough.
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Washington, on the other hand, wanted to maintain
his status as the most prominent black leader, confidante of tycoons and
Presidents, but insisted on being an apolitical figure. Stressing economic
uplift instead of political agitation, he downplayed racist attacks in favor of
emphasizing empowerment and social acceptance. The dinner with Roosevelt was a
landmark achievement in that respect. T. R. admirably refused to apologize for
the invitation, but he never repeated the episode. Neither Washington nor any
other black American dined at the White House for the remainder of his term. He
did, however, continue to consult Washington privately on racial and Southern
politics.
Washington
published five books during his lifetime with the aid of ghost-writers Max
Bennett Thrasher and Robert E. Park. They were compilations of speeches and
essays:
The
Story of My Life and Work (1900)Up From Slavery (1901)
The
Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery (2 vol 1909)
My
Larger Education (1911)
The
Man Farthest Down (1912)
In
an effort to inspire the "commercial, agricultural, educational, and
industrial advancement" of African Americans, Washington founded the
National Negro Business League (NNBL).
Late
in his career, Washington was criticized by leaders of the NAACP, a civil
rights organization formed in 1909. W. E. B. Du Bois advocated activism to
achieve civil rights. He labeled Washington "the
Great Accommodator". Washington's response was that confrontation
could lead to disaster for the outnumbered blacks. He believed that cooperation
with supportive whites was the only way to overcome racism in the long run.
Despite
his travels and widespread work, Washington remained as principal of Tuskegee.
Washington's health was deteriorating rapidly; he collapsed in New York City
and was brought home to Tuskegee, where he died on November 14, 1915, at the
age of 59. He was buried on the campus of Tuskegee University near the
University Chapel.
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| Booker T. Washington's coffin being carried to grave site |
His
death was believed at the time to have been a result of congestive heart
failure, aggravated by overwork. In March 2006, with the permission of his
descendants, examination of medical records indicated that he died of
hypertension, with a blood pressure more than twice normal, confirming what had
long been suspected. At his death Tuskegee's endowment exceeded $1.5 million.
Washington's greatest life's work, the education of blacks in the South, was
well underway and expanding.
The Congressional Evolution of the United States of America
Continental Congress of the United Colonies Presidents
Sept. 5, 1774 to July 1, 1776
September 5, 1774
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October 22, 1774
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October 22, 1774
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October 26, 1774
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May 20, 1775
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May 24, 1775
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May 25, 1775
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July 1, 1776
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Commander-in-Chief United Colonies & States of America
George Washington: June 15, 1775 - December 23, 1783
Continental Congress of the United States Presidents
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781
July 2, 1776
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October 29, 1777
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November 1, 1777
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December 9, 1778
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December 10, 1778
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September 28, 1779
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September 29, 1779
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February 28, 1781
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Presidents of the United States in Congress Assembled
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781
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July 6, 1781
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July 10, 1781
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Declined Office
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July 10, 1781
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November 4, 1781
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November 5, 1781
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November 3, 1782
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November 4, 1782
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November 2, 1783
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November 3, 1783
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June 3, 1784
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November 30, 1784
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November 22, 1785
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November 23, 1785
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June 5, 1786
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June 6, 1786
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February 1, 1787
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February 2, 1787
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January 21, 1788
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January 22, 1788
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January 21, 1789
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Presidents of the United States of America
D-Democratic Party, F-Federalist Party, I-Independent, R-Republican Party, R* Republican Party of Jefferson & W-Whig Party
(1789-1797)
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(1953-1961)
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(1809-1817)
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(1961-1963)
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(1881 - 1881)
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(1817-1825)
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(1963-1969)
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(1881-1885)
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(1825-1829)
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(1969-1974)
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(1885-1889)
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(1981-1989)
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(20017-Present)
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(1923-1929)
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*Confederate States of America
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(1857-1861)
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(1929-1933)
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(1861-1865)
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United Colonies Continental Congress
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President
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18th Century Term
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Age
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Elizabeth "Betty" Harrison Randolph (1745-1783)
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09/05/74 – 10/22/74
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29
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Mary Williams Middleton (1741- 1761) Deceased
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Henry Middleton
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10/22–26/74
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n/a
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Elizabeth "Betty" Harrison Randolph (1745–1783)
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05/20/ 75 - 05/24/75
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30
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Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830)
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05/25/75 – 07/01/76
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28
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United States Continental Congress
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President
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Term
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Age
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Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830)
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07/02/76 – 10/29/77
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29
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Eleanor Ball Laurens (1731- 1770) Deceased
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Henry Laurens
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11/01/77 – 12/09/78
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n/a
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Sarah Livingston Jay (1756-1802)
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12/ 10/78 – 09/28/78
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21
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Martha Huntington (1738/39–1794)
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09/29/79 – 02/28/81
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41
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United States in Congress Assembled
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President
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Term
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Age
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Martha Huntington (1738/39–1794)
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03/01/81 – 07/06/81
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42
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Sarah Armitage McKean (1756-1820)
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07/10/81 – 11/04/81
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25
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Jane Contee Hanson (1726-1812)
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11/05/81 - 11/03/82
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55
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Hannah Stockton Boudinot (1736-1808)
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11/03/82 - 11/02/83
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46
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Sarah Morris Mifflin (1747-1790)
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11/03/83 - 11/02/84
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36
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Anne Gaskins Pinkard Lee (1738-1796)
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11/20/84 - 11/19/85
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46
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Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830)
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11/23/85 – 06/06/86
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38
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Rebecca Call Gorham (1744-1812)
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06/06/86 - 02/01/87
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42
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Phoebe Bayard St. Clair (1743-1818)
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02/02/87 - 01/21/88
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43
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Christina Stuart Griffin (1751-1807)
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01/22/88 - 01/29/89
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36
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Constitution of 1787
First Ladies |
President
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Term
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Age
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April 30, 1789 – March 4, 1797
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57
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March 4, 1797 – March 4, 1801
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52
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Martha Wayles Jefferson Deceased
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September 6, 1782 (Aged 33)
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n/a
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March 4, 1809 – March 4, 1817
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40
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March 4, 1817 – March 4, 1825
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48
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March 4, 1825 – March 4, 1829
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50
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December 22, 1828 (aged 61)
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n/a
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February 5, 1819 (aged 35)
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n/a
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March 4, 1841 – April 4, 1841
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65
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April 4, 1841 – September 10, 1842
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50
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June 26, 1844 – March 4, 1845
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23
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March 4, 1845 – March 4, 1849
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41
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March 4, 1849 – July 9, 1850
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60
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July 9, 1850 – March 4, 1853
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52
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March 4, 1853 – March 4, 1857
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46
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n/a
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n/a
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March 4, 1861 – April 15, 1865
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42
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February 22, 1862 – May 10, 1865
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April 15, 1865 – March 4, 1869
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54
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March 4, 1869 – March 4, 1877
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43
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March 4, 1877 – March 4, 1881
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45
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March 4, 1881 – September 19, 1881
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48
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January 12, 1880 (Aged 43)
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n/a
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June 2, 1886 – March 4, 1889
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21
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March 4, 1889 – October 25, 1892
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56
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June 2, 1886 – March 4, 1889
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28
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March 4, 1897 – September 14, 1901
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49
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September 14, 1901 – March 4, 1909
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40
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March 4, 1909 – March 4, 1913
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47
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March 4, 1913 – August 6, 1914
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52
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December 18, 1915 – March 4, 1921
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43
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March 4, 1921 – August 2, 1923
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60
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August 2, 1923 – March 4, 1929
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44
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March 4, 1929 – March 4, 1933
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54
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March 4, 1933 – April 12, 1945
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48
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April 12, 1945 – January 20, 1953
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60
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January 20, 1953 – January 20, 1961
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56
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January 20, 1961 – November 22, 1963
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31
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November 22, 1963 – January 20, 1969
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50
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January 20, 1969 – August 9, 1974
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56
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August 9, 1974 – January 20, 1977
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56
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January 20, 1977 – January 20, 1981
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49
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January 20, 1981 – January 20, 1989
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59
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January 20, 1989 – January 20, 1993
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63
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January 20, 1993 – January 20, 2001
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45
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January 20, 2001 – January 20, 2009
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54
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January 20, 2009 to date
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45
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Capitals of the United Colonies and States of America
Philadelphia
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Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774
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Philadelphia
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May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776
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Baltimore
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Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777
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Philadelphia
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March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777
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Lancaster
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September 27, 1777
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York
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Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778
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Philadelphia
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July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783
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Princeton
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June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783
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Annapolis
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Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784
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Trenton
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Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784
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New York City
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Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788
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New York City
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October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789
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New York City
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March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790
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Philadelphia
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Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800
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Washington DC
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November 17,1800 to Present
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