Booker T. Washington

Booker T. Washington 

  1856 - 1915 

Booker T. Washington: A Legacy of Education, Leadership, and Controversy

Early Life and Education

Booker Taliaferro Washington was born on April 18, 1856, in Hale’s Ford, Franklin County, Virginia, into slavery. Growing up amidst the stark realities of bondage, Washington relocated to West Virginia after emancipation. His thirst for knowledge drove him to enroll at Hampton Institute, where he graduated in 1875. Soon after, he attended Wayland Seminary, but his educational journey was cut short when he was invited to join the teaching staff at Hampton. His reputation as an educator caught the attention of Alabama state authorities, who, in 1881, selected him to lead and organize the fledgling Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute.

Building Tuskegee

Starting with one teacher and thirty students, Washington transformed Tuskegee Institute into a thriving center for vocational education. By 1890, the school had twenty teachers, 300 students, and an impressive property valued at $68,000, including student-built facilities like blacksmith shops, sawmills, a printing press, and school buildings. This model of self-reliance and practical education became Washington's hallmark, advocating that African Americans could achieve economic independence and social respect through vocational skills and industriousness.

National Prominence and "Up from Slavery"

Washington’s national reputation surged following his 1895 Atlanta Exposition Address, where he called for racial cooperation and economic uplift, emphasizing that African Americans should "cast down their buckets where they are" by pursuing self-reliance and vocational training over immediate political rights. His speech resonated with many in the white community but sparked criticism among African American leaders like W.E.B. Du Bois, who felt Washington’s accommodationist approach was overly submissive.

In 1901, Washington published Up from Slavery, an autobiography detailing his rise from enslavement to national prominence. It chronicled his struggles and triumphs, offering a blueprint for racial uplift through self-help and education. The book highlighted his belief in practical skills, good manners, and self-respect as cornerstones of progress and served as both an inspirational narrative and a subtle critique of racial inequality.

Political Influence and the White House Dinner

Washington’s influence extended into national politics. He advised prominent leaders, raised significant funds for Tuskegee, and even engaged in quiet diplomacy on racial matters. In 1901, President Theodore Roosevelt invited Washington to the White House for dinner, marking an unprecedented gesture of respect toward an African American leader. The event, however, ignited a firestorm of racist backlash in the South, with critics accusing Roosevelt of endorsing racial equality.

Roosevelt defended his decision, expressing dismay over the uproar:

"I would not lose my self-respect by fearing to have a man like Booker T. Washington to dinner if it cost me every political friend I have got."

Though Roosevelt never repeated the gesture publicly, he continued to consult Washington on Southern politics and race relations.

Criticism and the "Great Accommodator"

Despite his achievements, Washington faced criticism from more radical African American leaders, particularly those in the NAACP, founded in 1909. W.E.B. Du Bois, a vocal advocate for civil rights, labeled him "The Great Accommodator," accusing him of being too conciliatory toward white supremacy. Washington argued that his approach was pragmatic, believing that confrontation would lead to widespread violence and setbacks for African Americans. His emphasis on economic progress over immediate civil rights reflected his belief that lasting change would come through gradual empowerment rather than agitation.

Later Years and Legacy

In 1912, Washington established the National Negro Business League (NNBL) to foster "commercial, agricultural, educational, and industrial advancement" among African Americans. Despite his nationwide engagements, he remained steadfast in his role as principal of Tuskegee, which had become a beacon of hope for black education in the South. By the time of his death on November 14, 1915, Tuskegee’s endowment exceeded $1.5 million, and the institution was flourishing as a testament to his life’s work.

Health and Death

Washington’s rigorous schedule and relentless work ethic took a toll on his health. He collapsed in New York City in late 1915 and was brought home to Tuskegee, where he died at age 59. Initially thought to have succumbed to congestive heart failure, later medical analyses revealed hypertension, with his blood pressure recorded at over twice the normal level.

Publications and Philosophy

Washington’s prolific writing included five books:

1. The Story of My Life and Work (1900)
2. Up from Slavery (1901)
3. The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery (1909, 2 volumes)
4. My Larger Education (1911)
5. The Man Farthest Down (1912)

These works reflected his educational philosophy of combining academic subjects with vocational training, a model reminiscent of John Ruskin. His writings and leadership offered hope to millions of African Americans while simultaneously addressing white fears about the consequences of black advancement.

The Paradox of Booker T. Washington

Booker T. Washington’s legacy is both celebrated and contested. To his supporters, he was a towering figure who charted a path for African Americans through education and economic self-reliance. To his detractors, his emphasis on accommodation over agitation was a betrayal of the struggle for full equality. Yet, his work laid the foundation for future progress, demonstrating that African Americans could build institutions, lead with dignity, and achieve extraordinary success in the face of systemic oppression. Washington’s life remains a testament to resilience, vision, and the power of education as a tool for transformation.

WASHINGTON, Booker Taliaferro, educator, born in Hale's Ford, Franklin County, Virginia, 18 April, 1856. He is of African descent, and early removed to West Virginia. He was graduated at Hampton institute in 1875, and in the same year entered Wayland seminary, whence he was called to fill the chair of a teacher at Hampton. There he was elected by the Alabama state authorities to the presidency of Tuskegee Institute, which he organized in 1881. Under his management it has grown from an institution with one teacher and thirty students to one with twenty teachers and 300 students. The property consists of 540 acres, a blacksmith's shop, sawmill carpenter's shop, brickyard, printing-office, and several large school-buildings, one of which, shown in the vignette, was built by the students. It is valued at $68,000, and by 1890 it was out of debt.

Washington then became a dominant figure of the African-American community from 1890 to his death in 1915, especially after his Atlanta Address of 1895. To many he was seen as a popular spokesman for African-American citizens. Representing the last generation of black leaders born into slavery, Washington was generally perceived as a supporter of education for freedmen in the post-Reconstruction, Jim Crow-era South. Throughout the final twenty years of his life, he maintained his standing through a nationwide network of supporters including black educators, ministers, editors, and businessmen, especially those who supported his views on social and educational issues for blacks. He gained access to top national leaders in politics, philanthropy and education, raised large sums, was consulted on race issues and was awarded honorary degrees from leading American universities.

Washington, in 1901, wrote his autobiography, Up from Slavery  detailing his work to rise from the position of a slave child during the Civil War, to the difficulties and obstacles he overcame to get an education at the new Hampton University, to his work establishing vocational schools—most notably the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama—to help black people and other disadvantaged minorities learn useful, marketable skills and work to pull themselves, as a race, up by the bootstraps. He reflects on the generosity of both teachers and philanthropists who helped in educating blacks and native Americans. He describes his efforts to instill manners, breeding, health and a feeling of dignity to students. His educational philosophy stresses combining academic subjects with learning a trade (something which is reminiscent of the educational theories of John Ruskin). Washington explained that the integration of practical subjects is partly designed to reassure the white community as to the usefulness of educating black people.

This text, while certainly a biography of his life, is in fact an illustration of the problem facing African Americans by detailing the problems of one. By showing how he has risen from servitude to success, he demonstrates how others of his race can do the same, as well as how sympathizers can aid in the process.

  President, Roosevelt, before the publication of Booker’s autobiography, had occasionally conferred with the educator, asking his advice on appointments and candidates in the South. After becoming President, Roosevelt invited Washington to meet with him at the White House for a similar conference. Washington came to the White House on October 16 and, when the meeting lasted longer than anticipated, the President asked him to join him for dinner. Washington later noted that they "talked a considerable length concerning plans about the South.” Although their dinner was a private affair, a reporter leaked the news and a tidal wave of criticism erupted. Reaction was predictably very vocal in the deep South where Roosevelt was accused of "encouraging racial mixing and social equality for blacks.”  Roosevelt was shocked by the furor.

In a letter dated October 24, 1901, Roosevelt writes to New York Congressman Lucius Littauer : "As to the Booker T. Washington incident, I had no thought whatever of anything save of having a chance of showing some little respect to a man whom I cordially esteem as a good citizen and good American." He expresses dismay over the public reaction: "The outburst of feeling in the South about it is to me literally inexplicable. It does not anger me. As far as I am personally concerned I regard their attacks with the most contemptuous indifference, but I am very melancholy that such feeling should exist in such bitterly aggravated form in any part of the country." He vows not to bend to pressure from these critics: "There are certain points where I would not swerve from my views if the entire people was a unit against me, and this is one of them. I would not lose my self-respect by fearing to have a man like Booker T. Washington to dinner if it cost me every political friend I have got."

Booker in a November 5, 1901 letter to to Mrs. A. J. Kaine and Mr. Franklin W. Hooper, first he mentions his famous--and now controversial--dinner at the White House in October 1901. 

I have been very much interested in the many things that have been written and said about my dining with the President," he tells Kaine. "I have not attempted to keep up with all the foolish and the false things however, that have been written. I am not at all disturbed about what has been said about the matter."

    In the 1904 letter Washington hesitates to accept another speaking invitation from the Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences, fearing it will stir controversy for T. R. 's reelection bid: "the political campaign will be at its height about that time, and it will be difficult for me to say anything that will not be taken up by one of the political parties and twisted into a wrong direction or made capital of." 

Meanwhile, Roosevelt on September 26, 1904 sent a letter and editorial to his friend and admirer, Lyman Abbott, editor of The Outlook and adds spirited comments on those who have accused him of racial bias in his appointments in southern states: 

"Mind you, what I have done in Alabama I have done everywhere else in the South, and with all the venomous attacks upon me, the southerners who make the attacks cannot deny that I have elevated the public standard by by appointments in the South; and curiously enough, I have appointed fewer colored men than my predecessor. Have you noticed that Collier's Weekly attacks me because I have gone too far in my policy of doing justice to the Negro while the Evening Post declines to support me because I have not gone far enough!...The Pittsburg Post's statement is, of course, a pure lie. I have in no State constituted a board of white and negro politicians, to whom has been committed the control of the federal patronage. As a matter of fact, the only negro whom I have consulted about appointments in the South has been Booker Washington. It does seem to me that this issue is far more than merely political. If a man like Carl Schurz had one particle of intellectual and political honesty in his make-up, he could not support the Democrats in this campaign in view of their attitude to the South of his own recent utterances on this very question." 

   Roosevelt's forward-thinking attitude toward race caught him in a political and social catch-22. His attraction to Booker T. Washington was based on the fact the great educator preached an evolutionary policy rather than agitation or violence. Roosevelt's meetings with Washington in 1901 convinced him that Roosevelt "wanted to help not only the Negro, but the whole South." To ensure getting the 1904 presidential nomination, Roosevelt began to build up alliances in the South, and was often met with opposition. Washington was invited to the White House in October 1901 to discuss with Roosevelt, then still Vice President, concerns about the South. Despite efforts to avoid publicity, news that a black man had dined in the White House reached the papers and infuriated many Southerners. The Memphis Scimitar called the dinner "the most damnable outrage ever," while "blacks... sized up the dinner as a fragment of hope amid a rising tide of discrimination"). Because of Roosevelt's public attention to Washington, criticisms continued that he favored the Southern black cause; equally, reformers felt he was not doing enough.

The National Basketball Retired Players Association (NBRPA), the only alumni association comprised of former NBA, ABA, Harlem Globetrotter and WNBA players, is commemorating the 50^th Anniversary of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the 150th Anniversary of the 13th Amendment  – in conjunction with the University Honors Program at Loyola University New Orleans and ELEVATE, an academic, athletic and mentoring program for inner-city teens – by issuing a one-of-a-kind limited edition print of Martin Luther King's “Letter from a Birmingham Jail” signed by Dr. King and more than 50 former NBA players. This unique, historic, limited edition print is the perfect collectible for any history and/or sports fanatic.   The 1000 special edition “Path to Freedom” prints are SOLD OUT

Washington, on the other hand, wanted to maintain his status as the most prominent black leader, confidante of tycoons and Presidents, but insisted on being an apolitical figure. Stressing economic uplift instead of political agitation, he downplayed racist attacks in favor of emphasizing empowerment and social acceptance. The dinner with Roosevelt was a landmark achievement in that respect. T. R. admirably refused to apologize for the invitation, but he never repeated the episode. Neither Washington nor any other black American dined at the White House for the remainder of his term. He did, however, continue to consult Washington privately on racial and Southern politics. 

  Washington published five books during his lifetime with the aid of ghost-writers Max Bennett Thrasher and Robert E. Park. They were compilations of speeches and essays:

The Story of My Life and Work (1900)Up From Slavery (1901)

The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery (2 vol 1909)

My Larger Education (1911)

The Man Farthest Down (1912)

In an effort to inspire the "commercial, agricultural, educational, and industrial advancement" of African Americans, Washington founded the National Negro Business League (NNBL).

Late in his career, Washington was criticized by leaders of the NAACP, a civil rights organization formed in 1909. W. E. B. Du Bois advocated activism to achieve civil rights. He labeled Washington "the Great Accommodator". Washington's response was that confrontation could lead to disaster for the outnumbered blacks. He believed that cooperation with supportive whites was the only way to overcome racism in the long run.

Despite his travels and widespread work, Washington remained as principal of Tuskegee. Washington's health was deteriorating rapidly; he collapsed in New York City and was brought home to Tuskegee, where he died on November 14, 1915, at the age of 59. He was buried on the campus of Tuskegee University near the University Chapel.

Booker T. Washington's coffin being carried to grave site

His death was believed at the time to have been a result of congestive heart failure, aggravated by overwork. In March 2006, with the permission of his descendants, examination of medical records indicated that he died of hypertension, with a blood pressure more than twice normal, confirming what had long been suspected. At his death Tuskegee's endowment exceeded $1.5 million. Washington's greatest life's work, the education of blacks in the South, was well underway and expanding.

The Congressional Evolution of the United States of America 

For students and teachers of U.S. history, this video features Stanley and Christopher Klos presenting America's Four United Republics Curriculum at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School. Filmed in December 2015, this video is an informal recording by an audience member capturing a presentation attended by approximately 200 students, professors, and guests. To explore the full curriculum, [download it here]. 

Continental Congress of the United Colonies Presidents 

Sept. 5, 1774 to July 1, 1776

Peyton Randolph	September 5, 1774	October 22, 1774
Henry Middleton	October 22, 1774	October 26, 1774
Peyton Randolph	May 20, 1775	May 24, 1775
John Hancock	May 25, 1775	July 1, 1776

Commander-in-Chief United Colonies & States of America

George Washington: June 15, 1775 - July 1, 1776

Continental Congress of the United States Presidents 
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781

John Hancock	July 2, 1776	October 29, 1777
Henry Laurens	November 1, 1777	December 9, 1778
John Jay	December 10, 1778	September 28, 1779
Samuel Huntington	September 29, 1779	February 28, 1781

Commander-in-Chief United States of America

George Washington: July 2, 1776 - February 28, 1781

Presidents of the United States in Congress Assembled
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789

Samuel Huntington	March 1, 1781	July 6, 1781
Samuel Johnston	July 10, 1781	Declined Office
Thomas McKean	July 10, 1781	November 4, 1781
John Hanson	November 5, 1781	November 3, 1782
Elias Boudinot	November 4, 1782	November 2, 1783
Thomas Mifflin	November 3, 1783	June 3, 1784
Richard Henry Lee	November 30, 1784	November 22, 1785
John Hancock	November 23, 1785	June 5, 1786
Nathaniel Gorham	June 6, 1786	February 1, 1787
Arthur St. Clair	February 2, 1787	January 21, 1788
Cyrus Griffin	January 22, 1788	January 21, 1789

Commander-in-Chief United States of America

George Washington: March 2, 1781 - December 23, 1783

Articles of Confederation Congress
United States in Congress Assembled (USCA) Sessions

USCA	Session Dates	USCA Convene Date	President(s)
First	03-01-1781 to 11-04-1781*	03-02-1781	Samuel Huntington &  Thomas McKean
Second	11-05-1781 to 11-03-1782	11-05-1781	John Hanson
Third	11-04-1782 to 11-02-1783	11-04-1782	Elias Boudinot
Fourth	11-03-1783 to 10-31-1784	11-03-1783	Thomas Mifflin
Fifth	11-01-1784 to 11-06-1785	11-29-1784	Richard Henry Lee
Sixth	11-07-1785 to 11-05-1786	11-23-1785	John Hancock &  Nathaniel Gorham
Seventh	11-06-1786 to 11-04-1787	02-02-1787	Arthur St. Clair
Eighth	11-05-1787 to 11-02-1788	01-21-1788	Cyrus Griffin
Ninth	11-03-1788 to 03-03-1789**	None	None

* The Articles of Confederation was ratified by the mandated 13th State on February 2, 1781, and the dated adopted by the Continental Congress to commence the new  United States in Congress Assembled government was March 1, 1781.  The USCA convened under the Articles of Confederation Constitution on March 2, 1781.  

** On September 14, 1788, the Eighth United States in Congress Assembled resolved that March 4th, 1789, would be commencement date of the Constitution of 1787's federal government thus dissolving the USCA on March 3rd, 1789.

Presidents of the United States of America

1789 - Present

POTUS - CLICK HERE

United Colonies and States First Ladies

1774 - Present

FLOTUS - CLICK HERE

Capitals of the United Colonies and States of America

Philadelphia	Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774	City Tavern & Carpenter’s Hall
Philadelphia	May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776	Pennsylvania State House
Baltimore	Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777	Henry Fite’s House
Philadelphia	March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777	Pennsylvania State House
Lancaster	September 27, 1777	Lancaster  Court House
York	Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778	York-town Court House
Philadelphia	July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783	College Hall - PA State House
Princeton	June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783	Prospect House - Nassau Hall
Annapolis	Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784	Maryland, State House
Trenton	Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784	French Arms Tavern
New York City	Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788	New York City Hall
New York City	October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789	Walter Livingston House
New York City	March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790	Federal Hall
Philadelphia	Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800	Congress Hall
Washington DC	November 17,1800 to Present	Two US Capitol Buildings

Chart Comparing Presidential Powers - Click Here

Secure a unique primary source exhibit and a professional speaker for your next event by reaching out to Historic.us today. Serving a wide range of clients—including Fortune 500 companies, associations, nonprofits, colleges, universities, national conventions, and PR and advertising agencies—we are a premier national exhibitor of primary sources. Our engaging and educational historic displays are crafted to captivate and inform your audience, creating a memorable experience. Join our roster of satisfied clients and see how Historic.us can elevate your event. Contact us to explore options tailored to your audience and objectives!

Historic.us

A Non-profit Corporation

Primary Source Exhibits

Exhibit Inquiries

202-239-1774 | Office

Stan@Historic.us

Website: www.Historic.us

Edited: Open AI. (2024). ChatGPT [Large language model] - https://chatgpt.com